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Will the French Dare to Vote for Change?

Will the French Dare to Vote for Change?
folder_openVoices access_time6 years ago
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Darko Lazar

Unlike the recent surprises that came out of the ballot boxes in the US and Great Britain, the first round in France's presidential race didn't deviate much from the polls and predictions.

Will the French Dare to Vote for Change?

But the spectacle that followed the results was unprecedented.

Media personalities, politicians and even supposed rivals in the race for the Élysée Palace were suddenly in awe with "charming outsider" Emmanuel Macron.

Even the conservative candidate, Francois Fillon, who was dragged through the mud by Macron's campaign and lynched by the media, shamelessly took to the stage to warn the French against voting for nationalist Marine Le Pen.

"There is no other choice but to vote against the far right, I will vote for Emmanuel Macron," Fillon told supporters as Macron and Le Pen made it into the May 7 runoff.

The Socialist Party candidate Benoit Hamon went a step further, referring to Le Pen as "an enemy of the Republic".

Meanwhile, praise for Macron continued to pour in from people who by no means are entitled to interfere in the French electoral process, including Jean-Claude Juncker, Federica Mogherini, Angela Merkel and Barack Obama.

A wide array of journalists and analysts simultaneously presented the centrist candidate as the "last great French hope", warning that a Le Pen win would lead to ‘unrest'.

The obvious question is how these people would characterize the current situation in France, which has been under a state of emergency since 2015 and where increasingly frequent terrorist attacks have killed over 220 people.

Rothschild's choice

Despite the mainstream media's best efforts to paint Macron as an "outsider", the maverick centrist is anything but.

He is a product of the system - its Trojan horse. He is the child of hyper-capitalism and an exponent of the billionaire cosmopolitan club.

Shorty after graduating from the prestigious École nationale d'administration (ENA), the political scientist, pianist and skier spent a few short years working as a public servant, before joining the Rothschild investment bank.

A Financial Times article, which attempts to spin Macron's stint at the bank and portray it in a positive light, also ends up painting a picture of a man who didn't exactly know what he was doing.

"What Mr. Macron lacked in technical knowledge and jargon at first, he made up for with contacts in government," the article reads, citing the head of BNP Paribas' corporate finance in Europe, Sophie Javary.

Described by another colleague as a man who "didn't know anything but... understood it all," Macron mysteriously ended up working on some of the bank's most high-profile accounts, before leaping from anonymity to partner - virtually overnight.

Offering some insight into his role at the bank, Macron told the Wall Street Journal, "you're sort of a prostitute".

"Seduction is the job," he said.

But the editor of Liberty Blitzkrieg, Michael Krieger, doesn't seem to think much of Macron's seductive powers.

"As someone who spent ten years on Wall Street, I can tell you with certainty that you don't go from updating excel models at a junior level to partner overnight. Someone extraordinarily powerful was pulling all sorts of strings for this guy. There seems to be little doubt about this," Krieger writes.

Krieger's claim is supported by the fact that Macron is known to have attended the 2014 annual private conference of the powerful Bilderberg Group.

Moreover, his political party, En Marche, which he managed to launch in 2016 despite his role as the economy minister in one of the most unpopular French governments of all time, has its legal headquarters registered to the address of the Institut Montaigne director - a high-ranking member of Bilderberg.

Naturally, Macron's outfit, which is more of a start-up than a political party, consists of a consortium of some of the most peculiar and controversial characters that France has to offer.

One of the more interesting names on that list is Jacques Attali. Officially, Attali is a veteran civil servant, advising every president from Francois Mitterrand to Francois Hollande - often referred to in the French press as "the true president of France".

But this ‘philosopher' also authors colorful utopias, in which bloody conflicts lead to the disappearance of all states before those who survive can be united under the banner of democracy and a "world government".

When asked by a reporter how he managed to finance his very expensive campaign, which involves over 300,000 people across France, Macron claimed that the bulk of the money came from public donations averaging between 5 and 10 euros per donation.

However, reports claiming to have uncovered a copy of a text message sent to France's business elites on the instructions of the Rothschild Group tell a very different story.

A rough translation of the text reads, "Dear friends, a fundraising dinner cocktail is being organized for Emmanuel Macron on September 27 at 8pm at Terrasse Martini, 50 avenue des Champs-Élysées. On this occasion, Emmanuel will share his vision and his proposals, and it will also be an opportunity for an informal discussion. If you would like to join us, you can confirm by replying to this SMS, and providing us with the names of those who may be accompanying you. For reasons of confidentiality, we ask for your discretion regarding this event."

Even if Macron's links to the business and political elites were to be ignored and all of the above characterized as ‘conspiracy theories', the fact remains that a victory for this 39-year old definitely spells more of the same for France.

Just like his so-called political party, Macron's cabinet will be staffed with ‘veteran' Socialists and Republicans, who are not exactly trying too hard to hide their role in getting him elected.

So how much of a change are the French actually voting for?

The runoff & class warfare

In a surprisingly direct piece, one of the most prominent French dailies, Le Figaro, points to a class struggle within the French electorate.

The paper argues that Macron's voters are the optimistic ones, and have decent salaries but do not need borders or a homeland.

Le Pen's support base, on the other hand, is described as the French who are suffering and worried, confronted by an unbelievable arrogance on the part of the "bourgeoisie", who lecture them about humanism and accuse them of not being progressive enough.

It is clear that this class struggle also helps to disguise a battle between two totally different visions of the world, not exclusive to France. And although the globalist liberal vision has recently suffered setbacks in other parts of the world, it looks likely to triumph in France.

Even the Le Figaro article, which clearly favors Le Pen, predicts that the National Front candidate is going to lose the May 7 runoff.

Perhaps it was Jacques Cheminade who put it best. The founder of the Solidarity and Progress party who secured 0.18% of the vote in the first round said, "the French want what Le Pen is offering, but are too cowardly. Even though they are against the European Union and are conscious that it's doing them harm, they don't wish to leave it because of the security being offered by the status-quo."

Following the eras of Holland, Sarkozy, and Chirac, a victory by Macron would only serve as further proof that France is a country that no longer has any real statesmen.

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