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The President of the Republic…The Coup against the Army, People, and Resistance

The President of the Republic…The Coup against the Army, People, and Resistance
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Manar Sabbagh

The President of the Republic...a state policy surpassing the Resistance

Media departments at the Baabda presidential palace are fully engaged in detecting every single graphic mention of the President of the Republic, whether positive or negative, complimenting or criticizing him. Certainly, it is not a piece of cake, and there is a bounding archive for the last year of the mandate of Michel Suleiman. Yet it is not enough to come up with a clear conclusion on the presidential term of the former Army Chief, and the unmatched godfather of centrists.

The President of the Republic…The Coup against the Army, People, and Resistance Skimming through this archive may carry along a stark answer to the doubts raised on the "political color" of the President of the Republic. The picture is crystal clear for any observer, whether a journalist or a politician, a friend or an ally. Reading the President's statements and following up on his performance and utterances about local, regional, and international events, reveal a March-like tendency, even tilting towards Future Movement.
This "blue" inclination entails homogeneity with the political agenda of March 8 camp's rivals. This is where "Marchers'" opponents, that is the Resistance, regard as a tiny detail the daily scorns of Michel Aoun, derailing Najib Mikati's government and appointments, keeping the 1960 law afloat, threats of contestation before the Constitutional Council to topple the Orthodox proposal, or even arguing with House Speaker Nabih Berri over the phone to talk him out of convening a Parliament session on suspending electoral deadlines...

A personality close to Suleiman unearthed that a serious matter was being cooked, to be a watershed, lastly turning the page of the Lebanese state legitimating the Resistance; this is to say, to practically end the stage of having next governments giving official legitimacy to the Resistance in their state policies. It is a tradition that rivals of Hizbullah have undertaken, when they formed the governments after the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafic Hariri.

This personality concludes that the trinity Army-People-Resistance cannot be included in the ministerial statement of the next government if Premier designate Tammam Salam ever manages to form it. He stresses that the President has made up his mind, despite his refraining from broaching this matter, unlike Future Movement and March 14 figures, who have hoisted this very motto the moment Mikati resigned.

According to the plan, President Suleiman has accomplished the formula supposedly convenient to the upcoming stage, which is no more suitable for the famous trinity. He is confident that he will convince March 8 camp, especially Hizbullah, of the alternative formula he and his team have finalized. This formula is taken from his folio on the defense strategy, which he laid on the national dialogue table.

The relatively long and very equivocal paragraph is the following:

"Holding onto the truce signed on March 23, 1949, and taking all the necessary measures to liberate the entire Lebanese territories...This requires working on removing occupation, especially in the northern part of Ghajar village and Shebaa Farms with all available and legitimate means...Pursuant to article 65 of the Constitution and to the national defense law, and until the army is provided with the adequate force to assume its missions, agreeing on the suitable frames and mechanisms to use the weapons of the Resistance and approving to place them at the disposal of the army, exclusively tasked with using force, to back it in implementing its military plans mentioned above...with the confirmation that the work of the resistance only starts after the occupation."

But why did the President of the Republic decide to take this hostile step towards the Resistance?

Away from analyses, information confirm that the Syrian crisis, with all its reverberations throughout 26 months, pushed the President of the Republic to fix upon his choice to totally turn his back to this axis; and not meeting in person with the western ambassadors, among whom US envoy Maura Connelly, does not mean his camp is not doing so. In a nutshell, President Suleiman indeed listens carefully to their recommendations and advice.

Information also reveal that other major decision would not have been taken by the President had it not been for a Saudi blessing. By this, Baabda Declaration is meant. According to the sources, the declaration was actually born at the Saudi Royal Diwan, when President Suleiman heard from King Abdullah what he thought as green light to make this step. The Saudi King called MP Saad Hariri, during the meeting which pictures were broadcast in media outlets, to keep Future Movement away from the Syrian field.

This tally is accurate and highlights the circumstances which started to influence the President's decisions recently.

Today, President Suleiman brashly dashed to counter the speech of Hizbullah's Secretary General, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, freshly delivered on the occasion of the Silver Jubilee of An-Nour radio station's foundation. Even before this, Suleiman has shamelessly failed to set a date for the Speaker's aide, Minister Ali Hassan Khalil, Nasrallah's aide Hussein Khalil, and FPM Minister Gebran Bassil, noting that the appointment was asked to be fixed shortly after the first meeting between March 8 representatives and Premier Salam. The pretense was that the President of the Republic cannot hold any political meeting with any camp, but that he does not mind meeting in on-to-ones with any official.

In fact, President Suleiman is fiercely leading the battle of the 8-8-8 formula. He flatly refuses to give Hizbullah the "blocking third." Well-informed sources even reveal that it was MP Walid Jumblatt, whom the President does not wish to disturb or clash with, who held back those seeking a de facto government.

Based on the aforementioned, a big question is raised, considering that to each battle its price, a battle that may start with the weapons of the Resistance and then the governmental formula, and which may not end at the limits of a basketball game between two sports clubs in Amshit, Suleiman's hometown...Has the mandate extension battle started? And what is its cost?!

Source: Al-ahed news, translated and edited by moqawama.org

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